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Workers' rights

Practise 35 exam-style questions on Workers' rights for AQA GCSE History (Power and the people). Write your answer as you would in the exam and get it marked in seconds against the mark scheme, point by point, with an AI tutor on hand if you get stuck.

  • 35 questions
  • 1–20 marks each
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20 questions, marked as you go

Sample questions with model answers

Here are 4 of the questions in this topic, each with a model answer, an explanation of why it earns the marks and the mark scheme an examiner would use.

Question 1

2 marks

Figure 1 is a timeline of trade unions and the law between 1965 and 2000.

Identify the events labelled A (1974) and B (1984).

Horizontal timeline titled "Trade unions and the law, 1965-2000", running from 1965 on the left to 2000 on the right, with the years marked every 5 years (1965 to 2000). Events marked by dots on the line, in date order: 1969: 'In Place of Strife' dropped; 1971: Industrial Relations Act; 1974: label A; 1979: Winter of Discontent; 1984: label B; 1986: Wapping dispute; 1999: National minimum wage.

Model answer

A is the miners' strike of 1974, which caused the three-day week and led to the defeat of Edward Heath's government in the election of February 1974. B is the start of the year-long miners' strike of 1984-85 against pit closures.

Explanation

The miners brought down Heath in 1974, which made union power a central political issue; ten years later Margaret Thatcher's government defeated them in the strike of 1984-85, a turning point in the decline of union power.

Mark scheme
  1. 1 mark

    A: the miners' strike of 1974, which led to the three-day week; Edward Heath called an election (February 1974) and lost.

    Accept 'miners' strike' / 'three-day week' / 'Heath's government defeated after the miners' strike'.

  2. 1 mark

    B: the start of the miners' strike of 1984-85 (against pit closures).

    Also accept the Trade Union Act of 1984 (secret ballots before strikes).

Question 2

8 marks

Source A: the front page of The Sun newspaper, 11 January 1979, during the 'Winter of Discontent'.
The page carries the headline 'Crisis? What crisis?' above a report on the strikes spreading across Britain, including a strike by lorry drivers. The headline mocked the Prime Minister, James Callaghan, who had just returned from an international summit on the Caribbean island of Guadeloupe and had told reporters that he did not think other people would share the view that there was 'mounting chaos'.

How useful is Source A to an historian studying why trade union reform was introduced in the 1980s?
Explain your answer using Source A and your contextual knowledge.

Model answer

Source A is useful because it shows how the strikes of the 'Winter of Discontent' were presented to the public, which helps explain why there was strong support for trade union reform in the 1980s. In the winter of 1978-79 many workers struck against the Labour government's 5% limit on pay rises. Ford workers won about 17%, lorry drivers went on strike in January 1979, and on 22 January public-sector workers held a 'day of action'. Rubbish piled up in the streets and in Liverpool gravediggers went on strike. The Sun's headline 'Crisis? What crisis?' suggested that the government was out of touch and that the unions were out of control, a view many voters came to share. Callaghan lost a vote of no confidence in March 1979, and Margaret Thatcher won the election in May promising to curb union power.

The provenance increases the source's usefulness in some ways. The Sun was one of the most popular newspapers in Britain, read by millions of working-class voters, so it shows how the Winter of Discontent reached ordinary people and helped turn them against the unions.

However, the provenance also means the source must be treated with caution. The Sun supported the Conservatives in the 1979 election, so it had a political purpose, and the headline put words into Callaghan's mouth: he had actually said that other people would not share the view that there was 'mounting chaos'. The paper therefore exaggerated the government's complacency and the scale of the crisis.

The source also does not show the deeper reasons for reform. Governments had tried to reform the unions before, with Barbara Castle's 'In Place of Strife' in 1969 and Heath's Industrial Relations Act in 1971, and Heath had been defeated after the miners' strike of 1974. Thatcher believed in the free market and thought strikes and restrictive practices damaged the economy. These beliefs led to the Employment Acts of 1980 and 1982 and the Trade Union Act of 1984, which restricted picketing and required secret ballots before strikes.

Overall, Source A is useful for showing the public mood created by the Winter of Discontent, which made union reform popular, but it is a biased front page and cannot explain the longer-term and ideological reasons for the reforms.

Explanation

The Winter of Discontent (1978-79) and its reporting turned many voters against the unions and helped Thatcher win in 1979, leading to the union laws of 1980-90. Level 4 needs a judgement weighing the headline's value as evidence of the public mood against its political bias and its distortion of Callaghan's words.

Mark scheme
  1. 8 marks

    Levels of response (8 marks).
    Level 4 (7-8 marks): Complex evaluation of Source A with a sustained judgement based on content and provenance, e.g. it is useful because it shows how the strikes of the Winter of Discontent were presented as chaos and how the press turned public opinion against the unions and the Labour government, helping bring Thatcher to power on a promise of union reform, but as a front page from a newspaper that backed the Conservatives it exaggerates and puts words in Callaghan's mouth, and it does not show the economic and ideological reasons for the reforms; the judgement is supported by accurate contextual knowledge throughout.
    Level 3 (5-6 marks): Developed evaluation of Source A based on content and/or provenance, supported by relevant contextual knowledge, e.g. explains how the Winter of Discontent and its reporting led to support for union reform, or how The Sun's purpose affects its usefulness.
    Level 2 (3-4 marks): Simple evaluation of Source A based on content and/or provenance, e.g. it is useful because it shows there were lots of strikes in 1979, or less useful because newspapers exaggerate, with little supporting knowledge.
    Level 1 (1-2 marks): Basic analysis of Source A: describes the front page or makes general claims about its usefulness.
    0 marks: nothing worthy of credit.

    Indicative content (not a checklist; credit other valid points): Content: strikes spreading in January 1979 (lorry drivers); the government accused of being out of touch; the headline 'Crisis? What crisis?' became one of the most famous political headlines, although Callaghan never used those words. Context: the Labour government's 5% limit on pay rises was broken by Ford workers (about 17%) in autumn 1978; lorry drivers' strike and secondary picketing in January 1979; a public-sector 'day of action' on 22 January 1979; rubbish piled up in Leicester Square, some hospitals took only emergencies and gravediggers in Liverpool went on strike; Callaghan lost a vote of no confidence on 28 March 1979 by one vote, and Margaret Thatcher won the election on 3 May 1979 promising to curb union power. Union membership peaked at about 13 million in 1979. The reforms that followed: Employment Acts 1980 and 1982 (secondary picketing restricted; unions could be sued), Trade Union Act 1984 (secret ballots before strikes), Employment Acts 1988 and 1990 (closed shop ended). Other reasons for reform: earlier failures to reform the unions ('In Place of Strife', 1969; Heath's Industrial Relations Act, 1971, and his defeat by the miners in 1974); Thatcher's free-market beliefs and determination to reduce union power; the belief that strikes and restrictive practices damaged the economy. Provenance: The Sun supported the Conservatives at the 1979 election, so its purpose was partly political; the headline distorted Callaghan's words; but its popularity (millions of readers) shows how the Winter of Discontent was presented to the public. Possible judgement: useful for showing the political mood that made reform popular, but limited for the deeper economic and ideological reasons.

Question 3

8 marks

Explain the significance of the Labour government's employment reforms of 1997-1999, including the national minimum wage, for workers' rights in Britain.

Model answer

The Labour government's employment reforms of 1997-1999 were significant because they gave workers new legal rights after nearly twenty years in which governments had concentrated on restricting the unions. The most important was the national minimum wage. The National Minimum Wage Act of 1998 meant that from April 1999 every adult worker had to be paid at least £3.60 an hour, with the rate set on the advice of the independent Low Pay Commission. For the first time there was a legal floor under wages, which especially helped low-paid women and part-time workers in industries such as catering, cleaning and retail.

Other reforms strengthened workers' rights too. In 1997 the government signed the European Union's Social Chapter, and the Working Time Regulations of 1998 limited the average working week to 48 hours, although workers could opt out, and gave a right to paid holidays. The Employment Relations Act of 1999 gave unions a legal right to be recognised by employers where a majority of workers wanted it, protected workers on official strikes from dismissal for a period, and introduced parental leave. The government also restored the right to join unions at GCHQ.

However, the significance of these reforms was limited in some ways. Tony Blair promised the unions 'fairness not favours', and New Labour kept most of the Conservative trade union laws, including strike ballots, the limits on picketing and the end of the closed shop. Union membership continued to fall, so the reforms did not bring back the collective union power of the 1970s.

In the long term the reforms marked a new settlement in which workers' rights came mainly from the law rather than from union bargaining. The minimum wage, which Conservatives and many employers had warned would destroy jobs, became accepted by all the main parties; in 2016 a Conservative government introduced a higher 'National Living Wage' for older workers. The reforms were therefore significant as a lasting extension of individual workers' rights, even though they confirmed the decline of union power.

Explanation

The national minimum wage (1999), the Social Chapter and the Employment Relations Act (1999) gave workers new legal rights, but New Labour kept most Conservative union laws. Level 4 explains both the importance of these new rights and their limits, and their long-term significance.

Mark scheme
  1. 8 marks

    Levels of response (8 marks).
    Level 4 (7-8 marks): Complex explanation of aspects of significance, e.g. explains that the minimum wage gave legal protection to the lowest-paid for the first time and that new rights (union recognition, the Social Chapter, working-time rules) strengthened individual workers' rights, but that the government kept most of the Conservative union laws, so the reforms marked a new settlement rather than a return to the union power of the 1970s, and explains their long-term significance; specific, accurate knowledge supports the explanation.
    Level 3 (5-6 marks): Developed explanation of aspects of significance, e.g. explains how the minimum wage and other reforms improved workers' rights, or why they were limited, supported by relevant knowledge.
    Level 2 (3-4 marks): Simple explanation of one aspect of significance, e.g. the minimum wage meant low-paid workers earned more.
    Level 1 (1-2 marks): Basic explanation: general statements about workers' rights, with little explanation of significance.
    0 marks: nothing worthy of credit.

    Indicative content (not a checklist; credit other valid points): Reforms: the National Minimum Wage Act 1998: from April 1999 a legal minimum hourly wage (£3.60 for adults), set on the advice of the independent Low Pay Commission; Britain signed the EU Social Chapter (1997); the Working Time Regulations 1998 (a limit of an average 48-hour week, which workers could opt out of, and paid holidays); the Employment Relations Act 1999 (a legal right to union recognition where a majority of workers wanted it; protection from dismissal for workers on official, balloted strikes for a set period; the right to be accompanied at disciplinary hearings; parental leave); unions at GCHQ restored (1997). Significance: for the first time a legal floor under wages for all adult workers, benefiting many low-paid workers, especially women and part-time workers; Conservatives and employers had warned it would cost jobs, but it soon became accepted by all main parties (the Conservatives introduced a higher 'National Living Wage' in 2016). Limits: New Labour kept most Conservative union laws on ballots, picketing and the closed shop; Tony Blair promised 'fairness not favours' for the unions; union membership continued to fall; the reforms focused on individual rights more than collective union power. Long-term: a shift from collective bargaining by unions to rights guaranteed by law for individual workers; the minimum wage has been raised regularly since.

Question 4

20 marks

Has the role of individuals been the main factor in the development of workers' rights in Britain?

Explain your answer with reference to the role of individuals and other factors. Use a range of examples from across your study of Power and the people: c1170 to the present day.

[16 marks] [SPaG 4 marks]

Model answer

Individuals have played an important part in the development of workers' rights, as leaders who inspired others and as reformers in Parliament. However, I do not think they have been the main factor. Workers' rights advanced or retreated mainly because of economic conditions and the actions of governments, and the leaders who succeeded were those whose ideas fitted those conditions.

In the Middle Ages individuals led protests but did not decide the outcome. Wat Tyler and John Ball led the Peasants' Revolt of 1381, demanding the end of serfdom and fair wages, but Tyler was killed and Ball executed. Serfdom declined over the next century because the Black Death had created a shortage of labour, which gave peasants the bargaining power to demand wages and freedom. Here the economy mattered far more than any individual.

In the early nineteenth century individuals made a bigger difference, often through Parliament and public campaigns. Factory reformers such as Richard Oastler, Michael Sadler and Lord Ashley, later Lord Shaftesbury, exposed the conditions of child workers and helped bring the Factory Act of 1833, the Mines Act of 1842 and the Ten Hours Act of 1847. Robert Owen inspired the Grand National Consolidated Trades Union in 1834, but it collapsed within months, and George Loveless and the other Tolpuddle Martyrs were transported. Their pardon in 1836 came through mass petitions rather than the efforts of one person. Governments, meanwhile, decided what was legal: the Combination Acts of 1799-1800 had banned unions until their repeal in 1824.

In the later nineteenth century individuals led the growth of 'new unionism'. Annie Besant's article on the Bryant and May factory helped the match girls win their strike in 1888, and Ben Tillett, John Burns and Tom Mann led the dockers to victory in 1889. Yet these successes depended on collective action and public support, and on wider changes: the growth of industry had created huge numbers of unskilled workers, and laws such as the Trade Union Act of 1871 and the Trade Disputes Act of 1906 gave unions legal protection.

In the twentieth century individuals were important on both sides, but government and the economy were decisive. In 1926 A.J. Cook rallied the miners with the slogan 'Not a penny off the pay, not a second on the day', but Baldwin's government, well prepared, defeated the General Strike. War transformed the position of workers: union membership rose to over 8 million by 1920, and in the Second World War the union leader Ernest Bevin became Minister of Labour, making unions partners in government. Full employment after 1945 gave unions great power, until the economic problems of the 1970s. Barbara Castle introduced the Equal Pay Act in 1970, but her attempt to reform the unions in 'In Place of Strife' failed. In the 1980s Margaret Thatcher, determined to curb union power, passed a series of laws and defeated Arthur Scargill's miners in 1985. Her success owed much to high unemployment and the decline of heavy industry, which weakened the unions anyway. In 1999 Tony Blair's government introduced a national minimum wage, a major new right decided by government.

In conclusion, individuals have been important as leaders, campaigners and symbols, and some, such as Shaftesbury, Bevin, Castle and Thatcher, made a real difference. But the main factors in the development of workers' rights were economic conditions, which decided how much bargaining power workers had, and the laws made by governments. Individuals succeeded when they worked with these forces and failed when they worked against them.

Explanation

Leaders such as Tyler, Owen, Shaftesbury, Besant, Tillett, Cook, Bevin, Castle, Thatcher and Scargill shaped events, but economic conditions (the Black Death, industrialisation, full employment, the 1980s decline) and government laws usually decided workers' rights. Level 4 sustains a judgement with examples from across the whole period; SPaG is marked separately.

Mark scheme
  1. 16 marks

    Levels of response (16 marks).
    Level 4 (13-16 marks): Complex explanation of the role of individuals and other factors leading to a sustained judgement about whether individuals have been the main factor in the development of workers' rights, supported by a range of accurate, specific examples from across the whole period, e.g. explains individuals such as Wat Tyler and John Ball, Robert Owen, George Loveless, Lord Shaftesbury, Annie Besant, Ben Tillett, A.J. Cook, Ernest Bevin, Barbara Castle, Margaret Thatcher and Arthur Scargill, and weighs them against the economy, government, war, ideas and collective organisation, perhaps arguing that individuals led and symbolised change but that economic conditions and government decided how far workers' rights advanced.
    Level 3 (9-12 marks): Developed explanation of the role of individuals and other factor(s), with relevant specific examples from more than one period; there may be a judgement, but it is not fully sustained.
    Level 2 (5-8 marks): Simple explanation of individuals and/or other factor(s), with a limited range of examples or a narrow time span.
    Level 1 (1-4 marks): Basic explanation of one or more factors: general statements or narrative with little relevant knowledge.
    0 marks: nothing worthy of credit.

    Indicative content (not a checklist; credit other valid points): Individuals encouraging change: Wat Tyler and John Ball (1381); Robert Owen (model factory at New Lanark; the Grand National Consolidated Trades Union, 1834); George Loveless and the Tolpuddle Martyrs (1834); factory reformers Richard Oastler, Michael Sadler and Lord Ashley (Shaftesbury) (Factory Act 1833, Mines Act 1842, Ten Hours Act 1847); William Allan and the Amalgamated Society of Engineers (1851), a New Model Union; Annie Besant (match girls, 1888); Will Thorne (gasworkers, 1889); Ben Tillett, John Burns and Tom Mann (dock strike, 1889); Keir Hardie and the Labour Party; A.J. Cook (miners, 1926); Ernest Bevin (Minister of Labour, 1940-45); Barbara Castle ('In Place of Strife', 1969; Equal Pay Act, 1970); Arthur Scargill (1984-85); Tony Blair's government (minimum wage, 1999). Individuals inhibiting change: Richard II; Lord Melbourne (Tolpuddle); Baldwin and Churchill (1926); Margaret Thatcher (union laws of the 1980s). Other factors: the economy (labour shortage after the Black Death ended serfdom; industrialisation created a mass workforce and unions; full employment after 1945 strengthened unions; the decline of heavy industry and unemployment in the 1980s weakened them); government (Combination Acts 1799-1800, repealed 1824; Trade Union Act 1871; Trade Disputes Act 1906; 1927 Act; 1946 repeal; 1980s laws); war (the First World War raised union membership to over 8 million by 1920; the Second World War made unions partners in government); ideas (socialism, cooperation, equality); collective organisation (the TUC from 1868; mass membership; solidarity). Possible judgements: individuals were important as leaders and symbols, but the economy and government shaped how far workers' rights advanced.

  2. 4 marks

    SPaG. High performance (4 marks): spells and punctuates with consistent accuracy; uses rules of grammar with effective control of meaning overall; uses a wide range of specialist terms as appropriate.
    Intermediate performance (2-3 marks): spells and punctuates with considerable accuracy; uses rules of grammar with general control of meaning overall; uses a good range of specialist terms as appropriate.
    Threshold performance (1 mark): spells and punctuates with reasonable accuracy; uses rules of grammar with some control of meaning and any errors do not significantly hinder meaning overall; uses a limited range of specialist terms as appropriate.
    0 marks: the student writes nothing, or the response does not relate to the question, or errors severely hinder meaning.

    SPaG marks are awarded only if the answer relates to the question.

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