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Minority rights

Practise 35 exam-style questions on Minority rights for AQA GCSE History (Power and the people). Write your answer as you would in the exam and get it marked in seconds against the mark scheme, point by point, with an AI tutor on hand if you get stuck.

  • 35 questions
  • 1–20 marks each
  • Instant marking
  • No sign-up needed
20 questions, marked as you go

Sample questions with model answers

Here are 4 of the questions in this topic, each with a model answer, an explanation of why it earns the marks and the mark scheme an examiner would use.

Question 1

2 marks

Give two examples of discrimination faced by Commonwealth migrants in Britain in the 1950s and 1960s.

Model answer

Many landlords refused to rent rooms to black people, putting up signs such as 'No coloured', which forced migrants into overcrowded housing with exploitative landlords. In employment a 'colour bar' kept many migrants out of jobs; for example, the Bristol Omnibus Company refused to employ black or Asian bus crews until 1963.

Explanation

Before the Race Relations Acts of 1965 and 1968, discrimination in housing, jobs and public places was legal. Answers need a specific type of discrimination, ideally with an example, rather than a general statement that migrants were treated badly.

Mark scheme
  1. 1 mark

    Housing: many landlords refused to let rooms to black or Asian people (signs in windows such as 'No coloured'), or charged them high rents for overcrowded, poor-quality housing (e.g. the landlord Peter Rachman in Notting Hill).

  2. 1 mark

    Employment: a 'colour bar' kept many out of jobs or promotion, so qualified migrants often had to take low-paid work (e.g. the Bristol Omnibus Company refused to employ black or Asian bus crews until 1963).

  3. 1 mark

    Public places: some pubs, dance halls and clubs refused to serve black people.

  4. 1 mark

    Violence and harassment: racist attacks, such as the Notting Hill riots of 1958 and the murder of Kelso Cochrane (1959); hostile treatment by some police.

    One mark per example, max 2. Accept other valid, specific examples.

Question 2

8 marks

Source A: from the report of Lord Scarman's inquiry into the Brixton disorders of April 1981, published in November 1981.
The report concluded that the disorders were 'essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police'. It found that racial disadvantage was a fact of life in Britain and that young black people in Brixton suffered from high unemployment and poor housing. It found that some police officers had behaved in a racially prejudiced way, but it rejected the claim that the Metropolitan Police was racist as an institution. It criticised Operation Swamp 81.

How useful is Source A to an historian studying the causes of the Brixton riots?
Explain your answer using Source A and your contextual knowledge.

Model answer

Source A is useful because it identifies both the long-term and the short-term causes of the Brixton riots. The report saw the main cause as the anger and resentment of young black people against the police, and my knowledge supports this. In early April 1981 the Metropolitan Police's Operation Swamp 81 stopped nearly 1,000 people in less than a week, most of them young black men, and many had long resented the use of the 'sus' law against them. Anger had also grown after the New Cross fire in January 1981, in which 13 young black people died, when many felt the police and the press showed little concern. When a crowd clashed with police on 10 April, it led to serious rioting on 11 April. The report also points to deeper causes: racial disadvantage, high unemployment among young black people during the recession, and poor housing.

The provenance makes the source especially valuable. It was an official public inquiry led by Lord Scarman, a respected senior judge, who heard evidence from the police, local residents and community groups. This makes it more balanced than most newspaper accounts of the time, some of which blamed simple criminality.

However, the provenance also creates limits. The inquiry was set up by the Home Secretary, William Whitelaw, and its purpose was to explain the riots and recommend reforms that would restore order and confidence. Scarman was cautious: he found that some officers were racially prejudiced but rejected the claim that the Metropolitan Police was racist as an institution. Many in the black community disagreed, and in 1999 the Macpherson Report into the murder of Stephen Lawrence concluded that the Met was institutionally racist. In addition, the report focuses on Brixton, while the riots that spread to Toxteth, Moss Side and Handsworth in July 1981 suggest that the causes were national as well as local.

Overall, Source A is very useful because it uses a wide range of evidence to explain both the long-term and immediate causes of the riots, but its cautious conclusion about police racism should be compared with other evidence.

Explanation

Scarman blamed anger at policing (Swamp 81, 'sus') and racial disadvantage, unemployment and poor housing, but rejected institutional racism, which Macpherson later found in 1999. Level 4 weighs the authority and wide evidence of an official judicial inquiry against its caution and purpose.

Mark scheme
  1. 8 marks

    Levels of response (8 marks).
    Level 4 (7-8 marks): Complex evaluation of Source A with a sustained judgement based on content and provenance, e.g. it is useful because an official inquiry by a senior judge, based on extensive evidence, identifies both the long-term causes (racial disadvantage, unemployment, poor housing) and the immediate causes (anger at policing, Swamp 81), but as a report commissioned by the government it was cautious, rejecting the charge of institutional racism that the Macpherson Report later accepted, and it was written for a purpose (restoring order and confidence); the judgement is supported by accurate contextual knowledge throughout.
    Level 3 (5-6 marks): Developed evaluation of Source A based on content and/or provenance, supported by relevant contextual knowledge, e.g. explains the causes identified in the report, or how the nature and purpose of an official inquiry affect its usefulness.
    Level 2 (3-4 marks): Simple evaluation of Source A based on content and/or provenance, e.g. it is useful because it is an official report about the riots, with little supporting knowledge.
    Level 1 (1-2 marks): Basic analysis of Source A: paraphrases the source or makes general claims about its usefulness.
    0 marks: nothing worthy of credit.

    Indicative content (not a checklist; credit other valid points): Content: anger against the police as the main cause; long-term causes in racial disadvantage, unemployment and poor housing; individual police prejudice but not institutional racism; criticism of Swamp 81. Context: Operation Swamp 81 (early April 1981) saw nearly 1,000 people stopped in less than a week, most of them young black men; resentment of the 'sus' law (Vagrancy Act 1824), used disproportionately against young black men until its abolition in 1981; the New Cross fire (January 1981), in which 13 young black people died, and anger at the police investigation and press indifference (the Black People's Day of Action, March 1981); unemployment in Lambeth was high, especially among young black men, during the recession of 1980-81; on 10 April a crowd clashed with police who were helping an injured young black man, and on 11 April serious rioting broke out on Railton Road: about 280 police were injured, over 100 vehicles were burned and many buildings damaged or looted. Other views: some politicians and police blamed criminality or outside agitators; the riots spread to Toxteth, Moss Side, Handsworth and other cities in July 1981, suggesting wider causes. Provenance: an official public inquiry led by a respected senior judge, appointed by the Home Secretary, William Whitelaw; based on a wide range of evidence from police, residents and community groups, so more balanced than most accounts; but its purpose was to explain the riots and recommend reforms, and it was cautious about blaming the police as an institution; the Macpherson Report (1999) later found the Met institutionally racist. Possible judgement: very useful because it identifies both long- and short-term causes using wide evidence, but its view of police racism should be compared with other evidence.

Question 3

8 marks

Explain the significance of the Scarman Report of 1981 for relations between the police and minority communities.

Model answer

The Scarman Report was significant because it was the first official recognition that the way the police treated black communities, together with racial disadvantage, lay behind the riots of 1981. Lord Scarman, a senior judge appointed by the Home Secretary after the Brixton riots, concluded that the disorders were essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police. He found that racial disadvantage was a fact of British life, that young black people in Brixton suffered from high unemployment and poor housing, and that some officers had behaved in a racially prejudiced way. He criticised Operation Swamp 81. Many in the black community welcomed the fact that their grievances had been officially acknowledged.

The report was also significant because it led to concrete reforms. Scarman recommended recruiting more ethnic minority officers, improving training in community relations, making racially prejudiced behaviour a dismissal offence and setting up formal consultation between the police and local communities. The Police and Criminal Evidence Act of 1984 made consultation a legal requirement and set rules for stop and search, requiring officers to have reasonable grounds and to keep records. The Police Complaints Authority, set up in 1985, added an independent element to investigating complaints, and lay visitors began to inspect police stations.

However, the report's significance was limited. Scarman rejected the claim that the Metropolitan Police was racist as an institution, and many felt that this let the police off too lightly. Progress in recruiting ethnic minority officers was slow, stop and search remained a major grievance, and there were further riots in Brixton and at Broadwater Farm in 1985.

In the long term, the report's significance has been judged in the light of later events. The murder of Stephen Lawrence in 1993 and the failures of the police investigation led to the Macpherson Report of 1999, which concluded that the Met was institutionally racist, going further than Scarman. The Scarman Report is therefore now seen as an important milestone that changed policing, but an incomplete one that did not tackle the deeper problems.

Explanation

Scarman (1981) blamed anger at the police and racial disadvantage, and his recommendations shaped PACE 1984 and police recruitment and training, but his rejection of institutional racism was overtaken by Macpherson (1999). Level 4 explains several aspects of significance, including limits and how views changed.

Mark scheme
  1. 8 marks

    Levels of response (8 marks).
    Level 4 (7-8 marks): Complex explanation of aspects of significance, e.g. explains that the report officially recognised racial disadvantage and police failings and led to concrete reforms (recruitment, training, consultation, PACE 1984, the Police Complaints Authority), but that by rejecting institutional racism it left deeper problems that later events (1985, the Stephen Lawrence case) and the Macpherson Report (1999) exposed, so its significance has been judged differently at the time and since; specific, accurate knowledge supports the explanation.
    Level 3 (5-6 marks): Developed explanation of aspects of significance, e.g. explains the reforms that followed the report and its limits, supported by relevant knowledge.
    Level 2 (3-4 marks): Simple explanation of one aspect of significance, e.g. the report said the police needed to recruit more black officers.
    Level 1 (1-2 marks): Basic explanation: general statements about the report, with little explanation of significance.
    0 marks: nothing worthy of credit.

    Indicative content (not a checklist; credit other valid points): The report (November 1981), by Lord Scarman, a senior judge appointed by the Home Secretary, William Whitelaw, after the Brixton riots of April 1981. Findings: the riots were 'essentially an outburst of anger and resentment by young black people against the police'; racial disadvantage was a fact of British life; unemployment and poor housing; some officers showed racial prejudice; Operation Swamp 81 was criticised; but the Metropolitan Police was not racist as an institution or by deliberate policy. Recommendations and outcomes: recruit more ethnic minority officers; improve training in community relations; racially prejudiced behaviour to be a dismissal offence; consultation between police and local communities (made a legal requirement by the Police and Criminal Evidence Act 1984, which also set rules for stop and search and required records); lay visitors to police stations; an independent element in complaints (the Police Complaints Authority, 1985); government action on racial disadvantage in inner cities. Significance at the time: the first official recognition that policing and racial disadvantage had caused the riots, which many in the black community welcomed; some police and politicians thought it too critical of the police. Limits: progress in recruitment was slow; stop and search remained a grievance; riots in Brixton and Broadwater Farm in 1985; the murder of Stephen Lawrence (1993) and the Macpherson Report (1999), which found the Met institutionally racist and so went further than Scarman. Since: seen as an important but incomplete step, a milestone that shaped policing for decades.

Question 4

20 marks

Has war been the main factor in changing the relationship between the people and the state in Britain?

Explain your answer with reference to war and other factors. Use a range of examples from across your study of Power and the people: c1170 to the present day.

[16 marks] [SPaG 4 marks]

Model answer

War has been one of the most powerful forces changing the relationship between the people and the state in Britain, because wars forced rulers to ask for money, men and cooperation, and gave people leverage to demand rights in return. However, I do not think it has been the main factor overall. Many of the most important changes came in peacetime and were driven by economic change, new ideas, protest and government decisions.

In the Middle Ages war was central. King John's costly and unsuccessful wars in France, ending with defeat at Bouvines in 1214, led to the heavy taxes that drove the barons to force him to accept Magna Carta in 1215, which established that the king was under the law. The Barons' War against Henry III led to Simon de Montfort's Parliament of 1265, and Edward I's need for money for wars in Wales, Scotland and France made Parliaments including the Commons a regular part of government. The cost of the Hundred Years War led to the poll taxes that sparked the Peasants' Revolt of 1381. However, the decline of serfdom that followed was driven more by the economic effects of the Black Death than by war.

In the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries war again brought dramatic change. The Civil War of 1642-49 ended with the trial and execution of Charles I in 1649 and the abolition of the monarchy, and produced radical ideas such as the Levellers' belief that power came from the people. Although the monarchy was restored in 1660, the Bill of Rights of 1689 confirmed that the monarch must rule with Parliament. The debts of the Seven Years War led Britain to tax the American colonies, provoking the American Revolution, whose ideas of 'no taxation without representation' influenced British radicals. Yet these conflicts were themselves caused by other factors: religion, money and disputes over royal power in the 1640s, and ideas about representation in America.

In the nineteenth century most change came without war. Industrialisation and protest by the political unions led to the Great Reform Act of 1832, the Chartists kept the demand for democracy alive, and further Reform Acts in 1867 and 1884 resulted from party politics and pressure from below. The campaigns of the anti-slavery movement and the factory reformers changed the relationship between people and the state through ideas and public opinion. During the wars against revolutionary France, war actually brought repression rather than rights.

The two world wars transformed the relationship between people and state in the twentieth century. The First World War led directly to the Representation of the People Act of 1918, which gave the vote to all men over 21 and to women over 30. The Second World War led to Labour's landslide in 1945, the welfare state and the NHS in 1948, a new relationship in which the state took responsibility for people's welfare. It also created labour shortages that encouraged migration from the Commonwealth, beginning with the Windrush in 1948, which created a multi-racial society and raised new questions about rights. However, the rights of minorities were won mainly through protest, such as the Bristol Bus Boycott of 1963 and the Brixton riots of 1981, and through government action in the Race Relations Acts, not through war.

In conclusion, war has been the main factor at several turning points, especially 1215, the 1640s, 1918 and 1945. But across the whole period it was not the main factor. Many important changes, from the Great Reform Act to the Race Relations Acts and the Equal Pay Act, came in peacetime through economic change, new ideas, protest and the decisions of governments. War often speeded up or triggered change, but other factors more often determined its direction.

Explanation

War shaped key turning points (Magna Carta, de Montfort, the Civil War, the American Revolution, 1918, 1945 and post-war migration), but the 1832 Act, the Chartists, abolition and the Race Relations Acts came from peacetime economic change, ideas, protest and government. Level 4 sustains a judgement; SPaG is marked separately.

Mark scheme
  1. 16 marks

    Levels of response (16 marks).
    Level 4 (13-16 marks): Complex explanation of war and other factors leading to a sustained judgement about whether war has been the main factor in changing the relationship between the people and the state, supported by a range of accurate, specific examples from across the whole period, e.g. explains the effects of war on Magna Carta and early Parliaments, the Peasants' Revolt, the English Revolution, the American Revolution, the franchise in 1918 and post-1945 Britain (the welfare state, Commonwealth migration and a multi-racial society), and weighs them against the economy, ideas, government, protest and individuals, perhaps arguing that war often triggered change but that other factors drove it at most times.
    Level 3 (9-12 marks): Developed explanation of war and other factor(s), with relevant specific examples from more than one period; there may be a judgement, but it is not fully sustained.
    Level 2 (5-8 marks): Simple explanation of war and/or other factor(s), with a limited range of examples or a narrow time span.
    Level 1 (1-4 marks): Basic explanation of one or more factors: general statements or narrative with little relevant knowledge.
    0 marks: nothing worthy of credit.

    Indicative content (not a checklist; credit other valid points): War: King John's failed wars in France and his taxes led to Magna Carta (1215), limiting royal power; the Barons' War produced de Montfort's Parliament (1265); Edward I's wars made Parliament with the Commons a regular part of government; the Hundred Years War led to the poll taxes and the Peasants' Revolt (1381); the Civil War (1642-49) led to the execution of Charles I (1649), the Commonwealth and ideas of popular sovereignty (Levellers); after the Restoration, the Glorious Revolution and the Bill of Rights (1689) confirmed Parliament's power; the Seven Years War's debts led to taxes on the American colonies and the American Revolution (1775-83); the French wars brought repression (1790s); the First World War led to the 1918 Representation of the People Act and greater state power; the Second World War led to Labour's victory (1945), the welfare state (NHS 1948) and labour shortages that encouraged Commonwealth migration (Windrush, 1948; the British Nationality Act 1948), creating a multi-racial society and new questions of rights (Race Relations Acts). Other factors: the economy (the Black Death and the end of serfdom; industrialisation and the 1832 Act; depression and Chartism; recession and the 1981 riots); ideas (Levellers, Paine, democracy, equality, feminism, civil rights); government and Parliament (Reform Acts 1832, 1867, 1884; the 1928 Act; Race Relations Acts; Equal Pay and Sex Discrimination Acts); protest and individuals (the Chartists, suffragettes, Bristol Bus Boycott, Brixton riots; de Montfort, the Pankhursts, the Lawrences); religion (the Pilgrimage of Grace; the causes of the Civil War). Possible judgements: war was decisive at certain turning points (1215, the 1640s, 1918, 1945), but much change happened in peacetime through economic change, ideas, protest and government action.

  2. 4 marks

    SPaG. High performance (4 marks): spells and punctuates with consistent accuracy; uses rules of grammar with effective control of meaning overall; uses a wide range of specialist terms as appropriate.
    Intermediate performance (2-3 marks): spells and punctuates with considerable accuracy; uses rules of grammar with general control of meaning overall; uses a good range of specialist terms as appropriate.
    Threshold performance (1 mark): spells and punctuates with reasonable accuracy; uses rules of grammar with some control of meaning and any errors do not significantly hinder meaning overall; uses a limited range of specialist terms as appropriate.
    0 marks: the student writes nothing, or the response does not relate to the question, or errors severely hinder meaning.

    SPaG marks are awarded only if the answer relates to the question.

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