Review Of 'jean-paul Marat's The Chains Of Slavery In Britain And France, 1774-1833'

Hammersley, Rachel, 'Jean-Paul Marat's The Chains of Slavery in Britain and France, 1774-1833', Historical Journal, 48 (2005), pp. 641-60.

Political power in Europe, especially in Britain and France in the eighteenth century, was driven by ideas of Liberty, Virtue, and Force. A key revolutionary, Jean-Paul Marat gave political groups of society certain ideas and values that could give their movements purpose and see them flourish.

Rachel Hammersley shows an informative account of the life and work of Marat, and how his work was applied and adapted throughout the eighteenth century, and then again in the early nineteenth century by Insurrectionary Republicans. It appears that this adaption along with the importance of the actions taken by those influenced by it, are key to the driving forces behind her arguments and discussions. Louis Gottschalk does this brilliantly in A Study in Radicalism (1927) by using Marat's career as a reference when applying his ideas to society. He shows how influential political ideology and theory could be in changing the direction, of government.

The examination in this article is of the work and influence of Marat in more than one country, and shows 'The chains of slavery' as a generic literature. It is shown by Hammersley as showing values of liberty as part of a larger works involving two other books, which focus on Virtue and Force. If reading the work of Marat during its time of appearance in the political sphere, it would be read as revolutionary, anti-Government, and anti-Monarchy. Hammersley portrays his work as opportunistic, as its general ideas of despotism could be adapted, and therefore not directly influenced and motivated by a single course.

Hammersley declares Marat, through popular opinion of the time and through letters from him, an exaggerator of the highest nature. A definitive character is missed completely by Hammersley as she focusses on his exaggerations. Due to some historians writing of his exaggerated character as fact, even though Hammersley reveals that there is evidence to suggest that he was not doing as his image claimed. A good approach would have been using her term 'Glory' in this context of whether Marat was attempting to gain recognition from an embellished character.

Hammersley relates the Commonwealthmen's aim of better representation due to a faltering constitution highlights a cause for discontent among the electorate. The dis-satisfaction shown by these men towards the British constitution, Marat continues in his exploits in France , This is well written about by Robbins in The eighteenth-century Commonwealthman. The nature in which she writes makes you think about the issue in the modern day. Hammersley fails however to put this Commonwealth tradition in the context of Britain, instead focusing on the North of England. This is a confusing thing to do as the whole of Britain was involved in these political events. This also goes along with her explanation of the tradition itself, which she avoids to classify in her own words and instead seeks validation from Pocock .

Hammersley manages to put the context and language of Marat's work effectively in the context of her time. Never the less she once again fails to validate her remarks as she does not examine how that language is perceived, then and now, and also how it has evolved. Throughout this article Commonwealthmen play an integral part in explaining the nature of Marat's intentions. They were made up of Butchers, Bricklayers, Cordwainers, Plasterers, and Wallers, but to name a few. They naturally had popular support and embarked on influencing government elections, and did so successfully.

Marat's work could possibly have had an influence on these Commonwealthmen after he had sent them copies of his work due to Marat being thwarted in his efforts for publication, by Lord North. Marat also aimed to gain the support of the Wilkite movement by directly appealing to Wilkes for advice and support. Upon reading this letter however more can be taken from it then just the plain literal translation of the words as is done by Hammersley. It draws questions over whether Marat was trying to highjack Wilkes fame in order to promote himself in a political sphere .

A contradiction in the conclusion of this article arises through the understanding of Marat's life and work after reading this article. Hammersley notes that the Commonwealthmen influenced Marat, however it is clear to the audience of this article that in fact Hammersley is saying that Marat tried to impose himself as a political theorist and by achieving recognition would have done so through influencing political groups in society such as these Commonwealthmen. In fact the social group of the Wilkite movement were more an influence upon Marat as they inspired him to seek out the advice and support of Wilkes.

Marat, who was a strong campaigner for public executions, as Hammersley explains, was arrested then pardoned, and then triumphed in being elected to the ruling convention . He began again campaigning for the execution of anyone who opposed the revolution. This subsequently led to mass discontent, headed by the Girondins, and ultimately his assassination in his bathtub. Hammersley widely overlooks this issue but it shows how France was a divided country despite sharing beliefs. This idea is prominent throughout Donald Sutherland's work as he concentrates on these issues with importance, especially in regards to how Republicans, who opposed the revolution due to its nature of violence in the decades after Marat's death, viewed his ideas due to their radicalism .

Marat always seemed to arrive with some importance during or leading up to an election. Hammersley fails to notify this as something of importance. Effectively, there could have been some underlying motivation for what Marat shows in pursuing political issues in this nature, whether it is in vested interests or other means.

Hammersley is writing just after an election (2005) herself. She relates Marat's attempts in gaining recognition, with those of a campaign in the modern day. Albeit not as clearly as one would hope. The idea that popular support can be achieved through literature is very prominent in Marat's work due to class differences. This is still relevant and being challenged in the modern day. His ideas of despotism are also relevant to the modern day as parliament now has no interference from the Monarchy as their powers are given to the Prime Minister.

Throughout the whole of this text however is that Hammersley applies tradition of Republicans to that of Commonwealthmen without any explanation as to how these are either similar or the same. She utilises J.G.A Pocock`s work to attempt an understanding herself through the shared language of civic-humanists and the criticism of the British constitution . Perhaps a more clear definition of this would provide a better understanding of the political nature of Britain, let alone France.

Marat's legacy lived on after his death in 1793, the implications his work had on two of the social groups demonstrating in 1830 was astounding. It is as if the views upon Marat's work played a complete cycle, from being peaceful political influence in Britain, to the radical call for executions in France and then back to the peaceful demonstrations in France by these social groups. If more concise we would have been shown that missing link to show how Republicanism, in any form, progressed through the ages to it holding several meanings today.

NOTE: The full examination of texts by Gottschalk and Bax, were not too widely considered due to the age of publication. However they are great for a characterisation of Marat and his life. Other readings have been suggested for development on the ideas put forward.

Source Citations:

AU. 'Marat, Jean Paul (1743-1793)'. Encyclopaedia of World Biography. (Gale, Detroit, 1998).

Gottschalk, Louis. Jean Paul Marat: A Study in Radicalism. (1927).

Hammersley, Rachel. 'Jean-Paul Marat's The Chains of Slavery in Britain and France, 1774-1833', Historical Journal, 48 (2005). pp. 641-60. *BL add. MSS 30.876 fo. 174. http://www.marxists.org/history/france/revolution/marat/index.htm - accessed: 14/11/2012

Pocock, J.G.A. The Machiavellian moment: Florentine political thought and the Atlantic republican tradition. (Princeton University Press, London, 1975)

Robbins, Caroline. The eighteenth-century Commonwealthman: studies in the transmission, development, and circumstance of English liberal thought from the restoration of Charles II until the war with the thirteen colonies (Liberty Fund, Indianapolis, Indiana, 2004).

Suggested further readings:

Belfort Bax, Ernest. J. P. Marat. (1900). Germani, Ian. Jean-Paul Marat: hero and anti-hero of the French Revolution, (Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1992). Hill, B. The republican virago: the life and times of Catharine Macaulay, historian. (Oxford, 1992).