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The Getulio Vargas Anti-liberal Speech

The anti-liberal political and economic discourse of Vargas

Date : 13/11/2014

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Ana Paula

Uploaded by : Ana Paula
Uploaded on : 13/11/2014
Subject : History

The anti-liberal political and economic discourse of Vargas begins with the identification of historical and philosophical roots of this doctrine, showing its origin in the philosophical individualism and its consequences in the administration of States. In this direction, this discourse points to the fact that: The emancipator movements, which occurred at the dawn of the previous century, overturning the privileges of caste, expropriating property and securing human rights, guaranteed by free competition; individual access to all positions, according to the capacity of each. This achievement, characteristic of philosophical individualism, resonated in the constitutional organization of the countries' worship.

Such analysis demonstrates that liberalism was the natural outcome of a series of changes in society from the eighteenth century and its philosophical basis was based on individualism. In this context, two key points can be highlighted within its discursive logic. The first refers to the elevation of the individual to the next level of the community, where individual rights and privileges stand out against the social body and the nation`s interests. This mode of thinking is opposed to that of Vargas because according to him, "the rights of individuals must subordinate themselves to the duties to the Nation." It is evident now that the idea of a State being weak or silent as opposed to a strong state, which conceives that the laws must respect the dynamics of the socio-economic life of the nation means simply that the legislative function fits the constraints of time, intending to give the state the strength and power capable of managing the pitfalls of the new period of human transformation that begins, which, according to Vargas, the liberal state did not perform. The free play of social forces, the stage of evolution that we have reached is anarchy pure and simple. According to this view, it is recognized that economic development should not be taken as a main concern of governments, but should play a subordinate role to social purpose. This viewpoint asserts that the excessive individualism characterising the last century, needed to identify and react to predominant concern in the social interest. It is for this reason that Vargas's conception that the relationship between the individual and the state is clearly defined, with a set of rights and duties. Hence, the individual does not oppose the state, the old conflict that degenerates often into demagogic agitation, the classical liberal conception. This interpretation in a liberal state sees an exactly opposite idea with regard to the functions of the State. With regard to this interpretation, there arise more questions, since the rapid progress of the present times, the multiple problems (moral and social) and the consequences for the complexity of modern life extended the power of state action beyond the limits set by political romanticism of the parliamentary regime. Therefore: If the laws express rights and modern law, under the irresistible impulse of social phenomena, has undergone radical changes, due to uncertainties arising from the clashes within the business sector, the role of lawmaker falls on the imperative of the time, trying to give the state the strength and power are able to master the vagaries of a new period of human transformation that begins. In conclusion, Vargas uses a discursive tactic that is evident especially in this critique of the liberal state. He establishes a counterpoint between the liberal conception of the state and his own political conception. This discursive logic creates a bipolar relationship between concepts, as opposed to putting ideas that represent the right and wrong, and then justifying their actions or views. This point can be observed when he says: This represents incontrovertible fact, and the constituents must take it into account, the decline of liberal democracy and individualism and the preponderance of government authority as a result of a natural extension of the power of state intervention, imposed by the need to meet the highest sum of collective interests and to ensure a powerful stability,, with the use of violent restrictionss, maintaining public order, essential for the balance of all important factors in the development of social progress. The key to all modern political organization is the safety and efficiency of this equilibrium.

Vargas went on to say that in the light of these principles, the law itself is modified in its conception, differing from the classical concept and ceasing to be a set of abstract rules to become a social defence system, adapted to the particular existence of community where it prevails. It is then presented that the way in which the Brazilian government should break with liberal politics is by finding the normal limits to its power of intervention. Thus, this speech ends by reaffirming the necessary role of the state as an organizer protecting the national economy, which, in turn, has as its ultimate goal in the resolving of issues, either social or collective. Thus, Vargas points to the greatest evil that this conception of State has, that is to say the primacy of the individual over the collective. This is where he stresses the need to build a strong state with its primary role being the protection of the economy and social development of the nation. As for this interpretation, this would be the only way in which Brazil could escape the crisis created by the decaying liberal system. Finally, it is important to stress here that the necessary political changes could not have occurred under classic liberalism. For this reason, a more explicit explanation for this issue only becomes possible within this discursive logic just before the implementation of the Estado Novo. Importantly, one needs to be clear that this standpoint, that is to stay the notion of a pre Vargas New State, can only be legitimised before the emergence of this position which had been built since the period of the Provisional Government and rearrangement processes responding to historical and contextual developments.

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