`was Horace Any More Than A Gired Flatterer To The Ruling Regime?`

The civil wars of Horace`s time rocked the entire foundation and population of Italy, including the poet himself. He could have been no less affected due to his time fighting in Brutus` legions. The Republic crumbled under the pressure of the incursion of Imperial forces, resulting in a deeply unstable state. Such political turmoil can become the definition of a culture, and no aspect of public life escapes the tendrils of its influence. It`s easy to infer from the nature of Horace`s work that he wrote purely for the benefits that sycophancy could bring. Coming from a very modest background himself, it seems valid to suppose that the poet would be looking to secure his own station and ensure a comfortable life in which he could continue to write in relative luxury. The Odes address a number of prominent men who held a great deal of influence in political and social circles at the time, and who would certainly be useful allies, and the Satires also contain a list of the men whom Horace held in high esteem ; for the most part, they are of considerable social status and either already held or would go on to accept some kind of high office. This information might indicate that Horace is targeting a group of people from whose favour he is most likely to profit, but on closer inspection there may be other reasons for the singling-out of these individuals. As Gordon Williams points out, we cannot know the circumstances surrounding Horace`s choices for his addressees and as such there may be particular events, misfortunes or successes behind each of the poet`s choices . In the instance of the men mentioned in the first Satire, we can actually locate another connection between them; many of them studied in Athens around the same time with Horace himself, and joined Brutus` ranks alongside him. It seems remiss to omit the possible motivation of genuine friendship and respect amidst all the accusations of flattery and social ambition. Many of the poems contain sentiments of intimacy and apparently genuine warmth, particularly when concerning Horace`s great patron Maecenas. He is referred to as "animae dimidium meae " by the poet, and invited to share a cup of Sabine wine at his country farm , actions implying something more than a purely businesslike relationship. The playfulness exhibited at the expense of their disparate statuses in Ode I.20 suggests a close partnership between Maecenas and the object of his patronage, rather than a relationship of grand statesman and overly humble subject. The matter of patronage is a potentially difficult one when it comes to determining Horace`s motives. On the one hand, there is the relatively incriminating occasion of the poet receiving his Sabine farm as a gift from Maecenas shortly after the Satires were published (for which the possible reasons will be discussed later on), but on the other there is the evidence of continued devotion in all Horace`s subsequent works. The first Epode in particular demonstrates a disregard for any opportunity to accrue more wealth, stating "satis superque me benignitas tua/ ditavit ", and invoking instead the highly evocative image of Horace as a mother bird, anxious to accompany her young despite her apparent powerlessness to protect them. This declaration of loyalty to his patron seems to go past the mere blandishments of a calculating social climber and cross into the realm of earnest duty. In this respect, we can refer to the way in which Horace addressed Maecenas after his power and standing within the state began to decline; the continued respect he showed his `amicus` and patron indicate a true level of regard and friendship between the two, not a merely mercenary relationship. It cannot be forgotten that he relied on Maecenas for basically everything he had; after being pardoned by Augustus it would have been easy for him to slip back into obscurity, had Maecenas not recognised his talent and inducted his into the small circle of privileged contemporary writers. It is this very talent which some would say was his saving grace, since he maintains an emphasis on his own poetic calling throughout much of his verse. In Ode 25 of Book III he appeals to Bacchus to slow the path of inspiration (perhaps a little incongruously, since he purports to be composing an account "egregii Caesaris ") and there are many other instances of him addressing the Muses, bestowers of artistic innovation. If his devotion to poetic integrity did indeed surpass any desire for wealth and status, then the rewards he received for it would be rendered moot; however, there is some evidence that occasionally, he could be taking his cues from someone other than Melpomene. As stated earlier, Horace`s era was awash with political instability and rapidly changing power structures. He began publishing around the time that Augustus (then Octavian) was coming into power, a period fraught with political manipulation. His first work, the Satires, is ostensibly a series of musings on philosophy and literature featuring he and his friends conversing over the course of an ordinary day. They are not what we might call satire today, being presented in a much more subtle and apparently mundane way with little direct comedic content. Despite appearances, there is a lot of subtext to be extracted, especially considering the context of their publication. Although securing a victory at Actium, Augustus had also endured some embarrassing defeats at the hands of Sextus Pompey and needed to cement his position as leader of Rome. In his essay on Horace and Maecenas, DuQuesnay suggests that "Maecenas had quite deliberately gathered round himself a number of talented poets who would celebrate the glories of Octavian and help to rally support for his policies." Propaganda has been an incredibly effective tool for states throughout the ages, and it makes sense that in this age when poetry and literature was so central to the culture, writers should be called upon as key promoters of policy. In the example of the Satires, DuQuesnay argues that Horace is delicately extolling through the characterisation of himself and his companions the ideal virtues of a Roman man, and simultaneously implying that those of the new regime are exemplary in that regard. Whether or not this suggestion came at the behest of Maecenas and, by proxy, Augustus, cannot be known for sure; however, the work is dedicated to Maecenas and it was shortly after its publication that Horace received the gift of his Sabine farm. Along the same lines, there could be a less underhanded explanation for this pro-Augustan sentiment. When Maecenas accepted Horace into his favour, he became his `amicus` and assumed an obligation to support him politically. Although far from contractual, this obligation was a matter of honour and could be ignored. Horace owed his career and livelihood to his patron, and as such it is reasonable to expect that a certain amount of reciprocal loyalty would be engendered. Aside from the initial difficulty in gaining the population`s trust and respect, Augustus also met with resistance in other aspects of his incumbency. He intended to implement a stricter body of legislation on matters of private morality such as adultery, but his first attempt was widely unsuccessful. In this endeavour Horace was a somewhat unlikely assistant, yet he leapt to Augustus` defence with encouragement for the man himself and reprimands for the rest of the population. In some of his work he becomes almost didactic, fervently rejecting those vices common amongst Roman citizens at the time. In his ode addressed to Dellius, he begs him to throw off any concern for wealth and riches and celebrate the natural joy to be found everywhere. He reasons that death comes to us all, and therefore the accumulation of worldly wealth is futile. He states that "divisne prisco natus ab Inacho... victima nil miserantis Orci" , a rather Epicurean view in outlook, yet still supporting the Augustan notion of moderation. Similarly, in Book III of the Odes he calls for a tougher, more military upbringing to be instated for the youth of Rome (somewhat hypocritical, when one recalls his own experience of military service) and at the same time offers some consolation to Augustus for his failed moral legislation, most obvious in the line "virtus repulsae nescia sordidae" . This advocation of harsh, military conditions for youngsters recalls the customs of Spartan society, or even Xenophon`s account of the way Persian boys are hardened in state-ordered military service and physical activity, and seems a little over the top, perhaps indicating an overly fulsome attitude toward Augustus. This exaggerated morality reaches its peak in the pessimistic tirade of Ode VI, wherein Horace delivers a dire warning to the citizens of Rome. He claims that the generations preceding theirs had essentially morally bankrupted the population, and the gods were visiting their revenge. He specifically refers to the derelict state of the city`s temples, which, coincidentally, Augustus was undertaking to repair as part of his renovation of the entire Roman culture. He extends this polemic forward from the purported "delicta maiorum" , swiftly transferring to the present tense for his graphic account of the "matura virgo" practising Ionian dances and the "fingitur artibus" . Horace`s condemnation of this debauchery is vehement and absolute, without a doubt reflecting Augustus` message of moral improvement. He seems to go as far as attributing the affliction of war to the god`s displeasure at the abandonment of traditional values, and although in this ode he refers only to invasion by foreign peoples, the recent civil wars must be brought to mind. It is a grave warning, and one perhaps not in keeping with the overall attitude displayed in the rest of his poems. Could it be an attempt to curry favour with the ruling powers? In modern times, Horace is rarely recognised as a great moral thinker. It`s not a great miscalculation to say that many of his poems in fact condone the very behaviour discussed in the last paragraph, particularly in the realms of love and wine. Earlier in the Odes, many verses can be found addressed to a series of different women and on a number of relationship-related topics, ranging from the disinterested observation of youths in the first throes of infatuation to impassioned accounts of his own desire for various girls. In Book II, there is a short ode to a girl named Barine which seems to fly in the face of all the assertions previously mentioned. Horace gives a descri ption of Barine`s faithlessness and her carelessness in breaking promises, whilst still maintaining that she is "enitescis/pulchrior" . Although he is not ostensibly endorsing her behaviour, she goes unpunished and in fact profits from her wayward attitude; not an entirely positive moral message to other girls. Earlier, in Book I, he writes a few verses for Glycera, recounting his surrender to "lasciva Licentia" and the revisiting of an old love. Referring to her "grata protervitas" , he paints a picture of exactly the kind of girl that he goes on to condemn in Book III. Yet in this case, it is he who has conjured a burning passion for her, seemingly going against the moral prescri ptions of Augustus. Finally, in Ode 23 he calls directly to a girl named Chloe, entreating her to stop running from him. We are to understand that this girl is still relatively young, since he describes her as "desine matrem.../sequi" , and he claims that she is "tandem.../tempestiva...viro" . If you count this sentiment alongside the many other references he makes to the practise of love, and his continual devotion to bad Massic wine, you can see a character forming which is very much in opposition to the values of Augustan morality. These odes may be peppered with warnings against the vices of excess (see Ode I.25, amongst others), but it still seems incoherent with the vigorous, puritanical code of ethics which he professes to support in his later works. On the question of whether or not he was merely a hired flatterer for the Augustan régime, it seems that despite his sway of support towards Maecenas and his compatriots, it would be an exaggeration to say that Horace`s sole intent in all of his published works was the glorification of Augustus and the Imperial state. He is in many ways preoccupied with broader questions of philosophy and life, with his Epicurean tendencies often showing through. The rustic nature of his verse shows a certain departure from the social politics of the city, and all literary criticism aside, his themes tend to run more towards the artistic than the prescri ptive or state-orientated. However, even in the Sabine hills he could not escape the prevailing winds of political association, and in order to obtain the luxury of devoting himself to poetry he may have made some concessions. His relationship with Maecenas was one of mutual benefit and, I believe, genuine affection, which somewhat lessens the shallowness of his political allegiance. There is little evidence to suggest that Horace was in any way particularly opposed to Augustus, yet some of his poetry still seems like the writings of one who was fully aware of what could be gained by choosing the right side; perhaps a remnant of his experiences with Brutus and the civil wars. It does not seems particularly wrong or unreasonable that a man such as he, from a humble background, would choose the compromise of meeting his patron and companion`s expectations over a potentially dangerous stance of dissent (which, in any case, he seemed to have no particular taste for.) As a moralist however, he shows virtually no coherence and seems to be content to go wherever the poetic winds will take him, whether that be to the dalliances of love or the solemn downfalls of vice. This observation will count against him in the stakes of integrity, as his obvious mirroring of Augustus` social policy does reveal a tendency to simply fall in line, despite his own personal beliefs. Overall, Horace`s works seem to present a view of a man who was cast into a culture that he would not have come to naturally. His concerns centre more around music, verse and wine, and the rural freedoms of the countryside. We may see his political pandering more as apathy once this perspective has been gained, and could be more inclined to forgive his oscillation between strict morality and drunken passion, philosophical ponderings and martial epic (with a little Horatian twist.)