Conflicting Perspectives On The Function Of The British Mosque.

The Ahmadiyya Muslim community, a sect of Islam, was founded in 1889 by Mirza Ghulam Ahmad in the Punjab in India. The Ahmadiyya, primarily due to the belief that their founder was a prophet, have been shunned and persecuted by other Muslim sects and some governments and are considered to be heterodox by other Muslims. However regardless of their oppression in many Islamic countries, Ahmadiyyat is one of the fastest growing faiths the world has seen in modern times, with worldwide membership claimed to have reached tens of millions. The Ahmadiyya present a distinct identity in contemporary society, with their positive imagery and message 'Love for All, Hatred for None'. In its own words, the organisation is 'an embodiment of the benevolent message of Islam...in its pristine purity', and has set about to bring about the 'revival and establishment of the glory of Islam' (Zirvi, 2002, cited in Valentine, 2008, p.33). Whilst their doctrine is clearly Islamic and the vast majority of their theological stance is no different from any other Muslim sect, the Ahmadiyya do exhibit clear distinct identity traits particularly in their absolute commitment and drive in spreading their interpretation of Islam and the existing supportive organisational structures that are in place to achieve this. These identity features are a result of the context in which the Ahmadiyya came into being in British colonial India in the nineteenth century. As Friedman states 'the historical context is essential to understanding of the framework within which the movement has functioned and developed', (Friedman, 1989, p.49) and some of this context will be outlined below. Late nineteenth century colonial India was in the midst of significant social and cultural change when Mirza Ghulam Ahmad was born in 1835. The proactive activity of Christian missionaries coupled with the vigorous proliferation of Hindu material was impacting directly on the decline of Islam in the Punjab. Whilst it is not intended to provide any narrative on these historic inter-faith dynamics, it is important to understand the relationship between Islam and Christianity at this specific time and location, in order to appreciate the development of the Ahmadiyya and its specific religious identity. Friedman (1989) examines in some depth the interaction between Ghulam Ahmad and Christian missionaries and how Ahmad (and other contemporary Muslim leaders) tried to undermine Christianity and the rhetoric of Christian missionaries concerning the 'superiority' of Jesus over Muhammad. Ahmad took a well documented path of discrediting the events surrounding the death and resurrection of Christ into heaven and claimed that Jesus in fact had been revived and in fact had travelled to 'Kashmir where he had died at the age of one hundred and twenty thus 'invalidating the divinity of Jesus and the doctrine of the Atonement' (Valentine, 2008, p.21). This position concerning the life and death of Jesus remains one of the fundamental tenets of Ahmadi doctrine albeit not one that is strongly promoted within contemporary Western society (Valentine, 2008, p.43-45). However Ghulam Ahmad made further claims which brought him into direct conflict with the Sunni ulama (Islamic scholars). He claimed, following a series of divine revelations, to be mujaddid (renewer of religion), muhaddath (a person frequently spoken to by Allah) and mahdi (the rightly guided one or the messiah) (Friedman, 1989, p.49). In addition to this in 1891, Ghulam Ahmad claimed himself to be a prophet albeit 'non law-bearing' and which brought him into direct conflict with the mainstream Muslim community and the fundamental article of faith of Islam concerning the 'finality of the prophethood of Muhammad'. However Ghulam Ahmad continued to engage in widespread public debate with leading protagonists from the three predominant religions in colonial India. This activity coupled with large scale conversion to Christianity from Islam and a general dissatisfaction with mainstream Islam's response, saw a growth in the numbers of Muslims that began to follow Ahmad and his teachings. Ahmad recognised that in order to develop and maintain the momentum of this change he had started, there had to be some sustainability and organisational structure to continue with this work after his death. Ahmad thus developed the Jamaat (assembly or group) in order his work to 'revive Islam' be continued after his death, a structure which ultimately lead to the introduction of the 'Khalifat'. The holder of this position is elected by the Ahmadiyya electoral college which comprises of the various (and numerous) national Presidents and regional and departmental leaders. The Khalifat system of leadership still exists to this day and the Khalifa remains the spiritual and absolute leader of the Ahmadiyya movement.

In the face of increased persecution in Pakistan, in 1984 the fourth Khalipha moved to London and set up the communities' headquarters at the Fazl Mosque, situated at Gressenhall Road, Southfields. This ultimately became only a temporary location as in 2003, the Baitul Futuh ['House of Victories'] mosque was inaugurated and has become the focal point for all Ahmadi activity in the United Kingdom. The Baitul Futuh mosque, situated on the London Road, Morden in South West London, is one of the largest mosques in Europe and has a capacity for ten thousand worshippers. The mosque acts as the international focus for the Ahmadi community with their spiritual leader conducting the Friday sermon from this location. The mosque is without doubt a stunning building which has received numerous accolades including being named as 'one of the fifty best examples of modern architecture' by the Independent newspaper in 2003.Whilst this mosque fulfils its role in 'meeting the spiritual and educational and social needs of the community' , it is my argument that this mosque also reflects a specific Ahmadi identity, characterised by a distinctly hierarchical organisational structure, and a strong proselytising focus to all Jama'at activities. It is also argued that the Baitul Futuh mosque acts an `emblemic building which makes a 'political statement legitimising the communities' presence' (Nasser, 2005, p. 73).