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How Convincing Is Ginsborgs Analysis Of The Reasons For Mussolinis Dismissal And Imprisonment In July 1943?
A commentary on the self-inflicted nature of the regime`s collapse
Date : 30/08/2017
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Uploaded by : John
Uploaded on : 30/08/2017
Subject : History
How convincing is Ginsborg s analysis of
the reasons for Mussolini s dismissal and imprisonment in July 1943? The
King knew he had to act to prevent his dynasty being damned in the eyes of the
Allies and swept away by pressure from below [Ginsborg, P. A
History of Contemporary Italy, 1990 p11]. The collapse of Mussolini s empire by 1943
was a self-fulfilling prophecy. Fascism finished in war as it had begun, and
fell to the very reason for its existence. Ultimately, conflict proved to be
the nemesis of an expended and apathetic Italian society in the years leading
up to the divorce of the Fascist-monarchic diarchy. Through Italy s war,
the political and emotional bonds tying the King to il Duce began to disintegrate, along with the complex fa ade of the
Fascist state. The invasion of Sicily in July 1943 instilled in the King a
sense of impotent desperation for the first time in its history, the concept
of the untouchable Italian dynasty was being challenged both internally and
from the outside world. Clearly, the King s conversion to anti-Fascism by
September was motivated by several momentous processes. War led to loss of
support for the Fascists and an unhealthy dependence on Germany, the resolution
of which was made impossible by pre-war failures to make Italy totalitarian.
From the perspective of the Allies, the credibility of the Italian monarchy
could only be maintained by the removal of Fascism and its remaining disciples.
Most probably, as the connection between the throne and all Axis obligations,
Mussolini had to be removed if the Italian people and the invaders were to
tolerate the existence of the monarchy in the post-war establishment. The emphasis Ginsborg places
on subdued pressure from below focuses on the translation of the economic
into the political, and arguably the King s decision was triggered by the
realities on the ground. Popular discontent in the Italian State was at its
most potent during the war years. The failures of the PNF to establish an
autarkic state were made manifest in the collapse of its welfare structures,
and inflated food pricing mirrored a fall in real wages and living standards.
Food shortages began as early as December 1940 and the general introduction of
rationing almost half a year later reflected a lack of foresight and mobility
on the part of the State mechanisms. The effects of anti-State aggression, both
from military opposition and from the aggrieved Italians themselves, were felt
most prominently in the industrial capitals of the north, where Allied raids
destroyed 25,000 homes in Turin. In the first strikes for more than twenty
years, 100,000 Italians took to the streets in March 1943, demanding an
improvement in living conditions. In all likelihood, the King was influenced by
this turn of events because he remembered the Biennio Rosso, and his resulting
fear for his political survival. However, unlike in 1922, the new wave of strikes was not Socialist.
The King s dynasty was never going to be damned by a limited populist reaction
to a collapse in the wartime economy because the Italian people were a largely
apolitical force economic climates dictated the rise and fall of Italian
political fashions. From Abyssinia in 1935 to Spain in 1936, and the signing of
the Steel Pact in 1939, the economic turmoil of war had demolished any existing
belief in the Fascist cause. Ginsborg represents the Italian people as a far
more unified and conscious element than they most likely were: Morgan s
assessment that the people ceased to believe in what the regime told them
Italy was fighting for, and against (2007: 71) seems a more appropriate
interpretation of the limitations of popular protest at the time. The 1926 ban
on strikes held its own against a growing undercurrent of PSI and PCI activity,
as did the Palazzo Vidoni Pact of 1925 in limiting the potency of the trade
unionists. In reality, the King encountered modest political protest from
below working class organized initiatives were few and far between, and any
dissent was always on economic grounds. Beyond the horizons of national unrest, the
King nervously anticipated the influence that the impending Allied invasion
would have on mid-term Italian political developments. The prospect of a future
American-style democracy in Italy, made altogether more likely by Mussolini s
abject refusals to surrender to the Allies and the King s alleged commitment to
the Axis powers, frightened the monarchists. The dismissal of Mussolini would
signify the termination of Axis relations, bridging the gap between King and
countrymen and more significantly, between Italy and the Allies. The
conservative elites could use Mussolini s departure not only to curry favour
with the Allies, but also to appease the expanding industrial classes, the most
vocal of the protest groups. Morgan s argument, that for the elites and indeed
Vittorio Emmanuele, the only conceivable way out of the Axis and the conflict
was the removal of Mussolini as Head of both Government and the armed forces
(2004: 222) is convincing. After all, Allied demands for unconditional
surrender held no bearing for stubborn hard-line Fascists such as Farinacci and
Scorza. By forcing his political authority, the King would resolve the
constitutional inertia of old, asserting loyalty to the Allies and rejecting
former Fascist allegiances. The dismissal of Mussolini would invalidate the
Axis alliance, since the Steel Pact, according to its own preamble, was not an
alliance between states but between two regimes and two revolutions . The King
knew that failure to rid Italy of its Fascist association could pass his
treasured dynasty into damnation. Fascism had failed as a political experiment,
and the King no longer needed Mussolini for his monarchy to survive. The role of the Allies and
popular unrest in unseating Mussolini should not be underestimated. Although
Ginsborg s analysis justifies a trigger cause for the King s decision, it is
not conclusive because it depends on an explanation for the pressure from
below and the Allied invasion, an explanation largely governed by the
exhaustive impacts of almost a decade of war on the domestic economy. At the
centre of both the Allied invasion and the imminent pressure from below was
Mussolini s war: if the war had been a success, both economically and
militarily, then Vittorio Emmanuele would not have dismissed Mussolini, at
least in the mid-term, because he had trusted his dictator for twenty years,
and the people had trusted the King. Furthermore, surrendering to the Allies
was no guarantee of a monarchic upheaval. The American occupation of Japan in
1945 did not determine the end of Hirohito s emperorship, despite his collusion
with the Axis empires. Similarly, Ginsborg has perhaps overemphasized the
danger facing the Italian monarchy in 1943, as there remains the possibility
that the King would have remained a feature of Italian politics after the Axis
collapse. This suggests that other factors besides the King s involvement with
the Axis powers contributed to his eventual fall from power. Beyond the King s personal
fantasy of ending the Axis connection, numerous events conspired against il Duce. His descent from the political
paradise that was his world for so long was a tale of corruption and betrayal.
Combined with his humble dependence on the sister revolution , an absence of
genuine support for the regime proved fatal. And above all, he had failed to
make Italy totalitarian, or a nation of loyal Fascists. As Clark contends, at
the time of Mussolini s first fall, hardly a Fascist stirred (1996: 299): the
only surviving Fascist institutions were apolitical, the continuation of the
OND being a prime indicator of a politically indifferent people. Fascism had
now become a state of mind its physical realities laid bare, it existed as a
concept and only in the minds of those who truly believed. The irreconcilable
gap between aspiration and reality (Morgan, 2004: 221) was opened up by the
war, and for the common Italian this translated into a fervent political
apathy. By 1943, il Duce had
unwillingly and unknowingly justified, in the eyes of the establishment, his
fall from power. In the end, it was to be the
ex-ministers and indignant Fascist leaders (Whittam, 1995: 129) who would
threaten il Duce s authority. From
1941 onwards, Mussolini s incoherent and untimely changing of the guards only
brought about a disintegration of trust among the leading Fascists and of PNF
networking. The dismissal of Ciano to the air force and of Bottai and Grandi to
Albania in January 1941 strained relations in government. Unnecessarily,
Mussolini s appointment of the inexperienced Vidussoni as Party Secretary in
December 1941 completed the alienation from himself of his closest followers
(Bosworth, 2002: 384). Mussolini s calculated move to humiliate the less
favourable PNF leaders in his circle of supposed allies was a public
devaluation of their efforts in the war, and backfired nastily. His followers
soon became his rivals. After months of preparation, the Fascist Grand Council
meeting was an opportunity for the unconvinced Fascist elites to overthrow
their leader by constitutional means (Clark, 1996: 297). Significantly, the
scheming traitors of the Fascist regime now had fresh excuses for the King to
act. The fall of Sicily, the bombings on Rome and economic breakdown eventually
brought about an attempt to reduce the role of Mussolini in Italian politics.
Domestically, support for the Fascist Party, already in decline, collapsed in
the wake of Allied aerial bombardment, food shortages and the inflation of food
prices (Ginsborg, 1990: 11). The King, tactically influenced by the dealings of
the Grandi group , knew that he could not support a regime that was becoming
increasingly vulnerable to both internal and external threats. So the King
dismissed Mussolini, not just to retain his popular appeal among elites and
workers alike, but also to act in the nation s interest and rid the Italian
people of their unworthy tyrant. Throughout his time as
dictator, Mussolini s most inexcusable showcase, in the eyes of the King, was
the flamboyant decision to enter the war alongside the Nazis. The premise of
Fascism was the waging of a successful war (Morgan, 2007: 71), and thus
Fascism collapsed along with the war effort. The regime faced desertion from
its own people largely because of its failure to defend them against the
chronic godlessness of Allied bombing. This represented the collapse of the
public into the private (Morgan, 2007: 84), a violent transition from
collective nationalism to survivalist individualism. With the shift in
mentality, the Italian people entered into a state of political paralysis at
crisis point, indifferent to the Italian political scene, a demoralized people
did not act (Morgan, 2007: 84). Clearly, Italian Nationalism did not live up
to its mantra and Mussolini s childish proclamations that Italy must either
conquer or fall at the side of Germany (Wiskemann, 1969: 84) would never
convince the uncertain King nor his people. For the Fascist Party and the
monarchy, the most hated man in Italy could no longer be trusted with
managing the war, which had destabilized Italian society to the extent that
popular discontent was inevitable in the receding wartime economic climate. The
Allied bombing of the Eternal City in July 1943 caused the destruction of a
Basilica and the flight of 150,000 Italians from their capital (Bosworth, 2002:
400). Rome had fallen once more. The landing of the Allies on Fascist territory
in 1943 turned the military war into an emotional one, and for many Italians,
Mussolini embodied a broken national psyche.
Thus, the events of 1943
exposed nominal support for the regime as superficial, and beyond the
propaganda victories of the regime, the irreparable catastrophe of Mussolini s
Fascist dictatorship was that it was never truly Fascist. The dismissal of il Duce was in the end determined by
those enclaves which he had failed in twenty years to penetrate and control
(Wiskemann, 1969: 83), such as the Court, the Army, the Civil Service and the
Police: his claim to act as Head of Government as of 1928 was ambiguous, and
respected the King s political authority. Mussolini fell, unlike Hitler,
because of a Fascism that melts like snow in the sun and his inability to
bring about a totalitarian state proved fatal, punished to full effect by the
realities of the war. Ideologically, the Fascist constitutional arrangements of
the 1920s were incomplete, and the constancy of the monarch in the background
of Italian politics was to be il Duce s
Achilles heel. The 1929 Concordat and the anti-Fascist concessions he was
willing to accept is further evidence of his loss of support from the elites,
and of his own confused state of mind. If Italy were definitively Fascist, the
King would never have been allowed to act on instinct Mussolini should have
compromised both Church and State long before the war was allowed to take its
course of action. Mussolini was dismissed because he had never resolved the
pre-existing mechanisms of a Liberal Italy that thrived on the dominance of the
royalists. The King s decision was
evolutionary, a response to the explosive political atmospheres consuming
wartime Italy. Motivated by political survival, and enabled by Mussolini s weak
Fascism, the King had to act to ensure the future of the people s monarchy. As
the only political constant in Italy for over forty years, Vittorio Emmanuele
III understood very well the implications of his reasoning. He valued Mussolini
above all as a friend, but in his forty-three years as King, he had learned to
be skeptical of politicians (Clark, 1996: 296). He could act because he had
the army, and the army could act because it had not been fascistized: led by
Ambrosio, the armed forces prepared secret plans for Mussolini s arrest. The
war single-handedly turned the state against Fascism, and Fascism turned on
Mussolini. The reforms he enacted during his regime served the King above all
others his unwavering loyalty to the King was the device for his downfall.
When the paths of King and dictator finally clashed in the summer of 1943, it
was to be Mussolini who fell, because his support base was non-existent, the
war had exacted its revenge through the ruling elites and, most significantly,
Italy was never a committed ally to the regime. While the King s act was
triggered by short-term events, his intentions avidly respected the enduring
continuation of his dynasty. But the motions for Mussolini s downfall were
stabilized long before 1943. The King was only the last man to betray the myth
of il Duce Mussolini was the first.
References Bosworth, R.J.B. MussoliniClark, M. Modern Italy, 1871-1995Ginsborg, P. History of Contemporary ItalyMack Smith, D. MussoliniMorgan, P. Italian FascismMorgan, P. The Fall of MussoliniWhittam, J. Italian Fascism
References Bosworth, R.J.B. MussoliniClark, M. Modern Italy, 1871-1995Ginsborg, P. History of Contemporary ItalyMack Smith, D. MussoliniMorgan, P. Italian FascismMorgan, P. The Fall of MussoliniWhittam, J. Italian Fascism
Fascism in
Italy
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