Is Adorno & Horkheimer`s Theory Of The `culture Industry` Applicable To Film In The People`s Republi

"The culture industry perpetually cheats its consumers of what it perpetually promises. the promise, which is actually all the spectacle consists of, is illusory: all it actually confirms is that the real point will never be reached, that the diner must be satisfied with the menu."

The above quote embodies Adorno and Horkheimer's beliefs surrounding the notion of the "culture industry": a vapid, market-driven, powerful machine which cheats and controls its customers. Whilst their theories of the "culture industry" and its emphasis upon marketization, social control, standardisation manifest themselves to some degree within the Chinese film industry, their theory, compiled during the reign of Nazism, is not without flaws. Whilst the arguments of the "culture industry" are evident in Maoist China through the state's all-encompassing control and the dominance of socialist realist, pro-communist film, application of the theory is less facile when analysing contemporary film. Pirate film distribution, the rise of independent filmmakers and the tackling of taboo topics such as HIV Aids and homosexuality within filmic narratives have diminished, to some extent, the arguments of the "culture industry". Thus, this essay, focusing on film in mainland China, will argue that whilst some evidence may be found in support of the "culture industry" ideologue, one must refrain from applying the theory comprehensively. Adorno and Horkheimer suggest the "culture industry" serves as a tool of state and social control, emphasized through its supposed synergy with totalitarianism. As Shuqin Cui argues "in China, where a thriving market economy develops under the aegis of an authoritarian political system, official discourse and popular culture have merged" and as films are a component of the "index of social change" , the state exerts great influence over cultural content. Such an argument is demonstrated to some degree by the Chinese film industry and state control placed upon it. The use of censorship to prevent films with "political overtones" subverts free speech and thus demonstrates state control. Moreover, state institutions such as The State Administration of Radio, Film and Television, which oversees the content of all the above-named media platforms, and The Film Bureau are chief organs within the Chinese film industry which censor material and thus, due to their importance, prevent unofficial messages being aired . The film Mystery (2012) by Lou Ye forcibly had two "violent" scenes removed "at the last minute" before its mainland release. Moreover, the director Ye served a five-year ban on filmmaking on the mainland after entering Summer Palace (2006), "a heart-wrenching drama touching on the Tiananmen Square bloodshed", at the Cannes Film Festival, thus demonstrating the power of censorship. He argues that "change is a must, because [the censorship system] does not suit the Chinese film industry any more. It is an obstacle to Chinese cinema development" , further presenting the power of censors and therefore of the state within the film industry. Additionally, state control is exercised through nationalism displayed within filmic narratives. As Rong Weijing argues "one thing is unquestionable: the natural manifestation of nationalism"; this nationalism, also influenced by globalization and a need to define "unique characteristics" of one's national identity as well as state control, maintains support for the CCP through nation-building. Such a notion is demonstrated in the recent work The founding of a Republic (2009), released to coincide with the 60th anniversary of the PRC. The film, which depicts the communist rise to power, has been labelled propaganda, although Huang Jianxin the film's co-director has said," it was unfair to describe The Founding of a Republic as propaganda, since a modern Chinese audience was too sophisticated to swallow a simplistic rendering of history." The star-studded cast to draw "a younger, internet-obsessed generation back to the big screen", date of release, lack of release in Taiwan and positive depiction of the tyrannical Mao Zedong, however, all reek of the stench of propaganda, with audiences even suggesting the film's purpose was to support the CCP . Thus, the state maintains influence through pro-government messages within filmic narrative, supporting the notion of state control within the "culture industry". However, as mentioned in this essay's introduction, application of the "culture industry" theory is problematic and this is demonstrated through the counter-argument to the aforementioned notion of an omnipresent state control. Whilst exercising influence over film content, government censorship is challenged. The "Sixth Generation" of filmmakers, after the 1989 bloodshed in Tiananmen Square, "began working as figures of rebellion against the system" . Their independent films, with the term "independent" in China meaning "independence from state-owned film studios and thus to some measure of autonomy" , emphasise social and political issues as well as exhibiting a distinct, experimental, underground, edgy style that undermined the suggestion of complete state control and a lack of style or flare as outlined in the "culture industry" theory. In Zhang Yuan's Beijing Bastards (1993), as argued by Corliss, "emperors and concubines have been replaced by the grungy malcontents" who "spit out obscenities in sync sound and groove to hard rock. A night at the Peking Opera gives way to an all-nighter in the Beijing mosh pit". The juxtaposition of communist-friendly entertainment and leisure of the opera with the riotous, aggressive anomie of Western-style Chinese "punksters" demonstrates a challenge to authority and tradition. Moreover, Corliss elucidates the films of this generation as being "less like paintings than placards" in that the directors are anti-romantics who renounce glamour, using amateur actors instead of stars and often using hand-held cameras to film. The screenplay of these films presented challenges to state authority and Chinese society. In the film Frozen (1997) a performance artist kills himself for his art with a friend remarking "he sacrificed his life to show that he lived among murderers" . Such prose attacks the moral fabric of Chinese society, undermining the state by asserting that those who follow its rules are "murderers". Such films were not made without difficulty, often being banned and censored in mainland China. The film Postman (1995) was smuggled out of China and completed with a grant from The Rotterdam Film Festival. However, these works have been applauded and enthusiastically received in the West and whilst some critics such as Zhang Yimou have suggested Western audiences merely view these texts as anti-governmental and thus anti-communist and pro-capitalist and not art , exposure to foreign audiences has raised the issue of state suppression. Thus, whilst censorship occurs within China, filmmakers maintain integrity and anti-government films are produced, undermining the "culture indutry's" theory of comprehensive state control. Furthermore, the advent of pirate film distribution has undermined censorship. The rise of the VD format and subsequent mass-production of VD players led to a growth of pirate films, with previously unseen material such as The Godfather (1972), Taxi Driver (1976) and The Graduate (1967) being distributed . Subsequently, Chinese audiences were exposed to Western values, ideals as the discs evaded censors, thus presenting the state's lack of control.

Adorno and Horkheimer additionally argue that culture has been hijacked by the markets, suggesting "movies. need no longer pretend to be art. The truth is that they are just business is made into an ideology in order to justify the rubbish they deliberately produce" . Such an ideologue is demonstrated within China through the presence of conglomerates such as Disney which is building a sixteen billion dollar theme park in Shanghai and Dreamworks Animation which is building a three billion dollar studio there too, as well as the residence of Paramount, Sony, 20th Century Fox and Universal . Additionally, the growth of media corporations and their use of shareholding and private investment has seen a rise in profit-orientated cinema with such companies as Rupert Murdoch's Star TV perpetuating marketization . Furthermore, contemporary cinema has witnessed the growth of the "Chinese New Year Film" which has pounced upon the "holiday economy" to spurn blockbusters such as House of Flying Daggers (2004) and Curse of the Golden Flower (2006) which aim to cash-in on the lunar celebrations. The growth in output of Hollywood-style "high concept" films presents the growth of capital within China and corporative desire to capitalise on it and thus the influence of markets as advocated in the "culture industry" thesis.

However, to conceive that the markets have mitigated a hijacking of culture is flawed. Adorno and Horkheimer state that the growth of markets enforces standardization: "under monopoly all mass culture is identical" . This entails the growth of narrative formulations so that "as soon as the film begins, it is quite clear how it will end" . However, Chinese cinema still produces thought-provoking and daring films, opposing this notion presented by the "culture industry". This is most clearly demonstrated by the production of films challenging taboo ideas. The growth of gay cinema in China presents a brave challenge to previously held prejudice. Ang Lee's The Wedding Banquet (1993) "marked a sea change. for the portrayal of homosexuality and queer desire within Chinese-language cinema", thus presenting its ground-breaking nature. Moreover, Lee's film inveigled the production of other films depicting homosexual experience, notably Kar Wai Wong's art-house success Happy Together (1997) and Alice Wu's "coming out" drama Saving Face (2004). Whilst LGBT film-makers stimulated such discussions before Lee's 1993 film and thus some may argue that contemporary films discussing homosexuality are a result of the market's manipulation of a growing format and therefore a degree of standardisation, such narratives diverge greatly from popular formulas and thus exhibit a level of originality. These films have provided a complex narrative discussing the Chinese diaspora, ethnicity and sexuality, presented in Leung's notion of the cinematic "queerspace" . Additionally, although an isolated example, the film Love For Life (2011) presents a story focusing upon the 1990s blood-selling scandal in which the government was "implicitly involved". Its focus upon HIV Aids, which has been previously "rigorously censored" , and surprising government backing demonstrates Chinese cinema's ability to present thought-provoking and challenging narratives, undermining the notion of a standardisation of cinema in which films simply re-hash stories.

To conclude, whilst Adorno and Horkheimer's theory of the "culture industry" can be applied to some degree when analysing film in the PRC today, it must not be interpreted without revision and consideration. There is undoubtedly a degree of state control and market influence presiding over Chinese filmmaking, yet contemporary cinema is not without challenge to these nuances: the "sixth generation" of filmmakers, growth of piracy and promotion of taboo concepts have challenged the notion of a stagnant, market-orientated, desultory industry. Adorno and Horkheimer's theory is interesting yet lacks application in a contemporary context; written by two Marxists during fascism's reign, its rhetoric is naturally hyperbolic and damning to stir debate. Thus, its pertinence is diminished in contemporary cinema.